Sixty-six years ago, the Union Jack was lowered in Lagos, and the green-and-white flag was raised, signalling an independent and prosperous beginning for Nigeria. Two days later, on October 3, 1960, Princess Alexandra of Kent, representing Queen Elizabeth II, formally opened Nigeria's First Federal Parliament at the Independence Hall. This was one of Nigeria’s most pivotal moments in political history, marking the beginning of independent democratic governance in Nigeria, for Nigerians and by Nigerians. The 1960 independence constitution modelled the federal parliament on the Westminster tradition, with a bicameral system consisting of the Senate and the House of Representatives.
After years of internal political and economic conflict, military rule, and the First, Second, and Third Republics, Nigeria reinstated the National Assembly (NASS) in 1999 at the beginning of the Fourth Republic. The new Assembly was modelled after the United States Congress and is a bicameral legislature consisting of 109 members of the Senate and 360 members of the House of Representatives. At the state level, the parliament is unicameral, comprising the State Houses of Assembly.
The parliament is responsible for lawmaking, budget approvals, constituency representation, and performing oversight on the executive arm of government, among other functions. Between 1999 and 2023, the NASS passed 810 bills, with allocations reaching ₦2.618 trillion. Currently, the 10th NASS has considered 2,747 bills and passed 311 lower chamber bills, and introduced 1,033 bills and passed 106 upper chamber bills, making it the NASS with the highest number of bills passed in Nigeria’s Fourth Republic. The NASS also receives ₦100 billion annually for constituency projects, which, interestingly, it has no constitutional responsibility for. Since 2003, the NASS has received over ₦2 trillion for these projects and is pushing for more allocations; however, misappropriation of public funds has been the order of the day, and Nigerians have not been made better off with the already allocated funds for these projects. The National Assembly’s continued involvement in constituency projects raises serious questions about public spending, accountability and the use of public funds.
What has Nigeria’s Parliament Done with Its 66-year-old Independence?
In the Fourth Republic alone, the NASS has signed over 1,000 bills into law, outperforming assemblies in previous republics in respect to the number of bills passed. The 9th NASS could have had more bills; however, former President Muhammadu Buhari refused to assent to over 48 bills during his term due to ambiguity, duplication of roles, or lack of clarity, and the assembly did not override him. Some of the bills he rejected include the Chartered Institute of Training and Development Establishment Bill 2018, the National Institute of Credit Administration Bill 2018, the National Housing Fund Bill 2018, and the Electoral Act (Amendment) 2018, which was rejected four times. State Houses of Assembly are equally active in enacting legislation; the Lagos State House of Assembly has passed over 300 bills and 2000 resolutions since 1999. In 2024, 15 states (Nasarawa, Ogun, Bayelsa, Benue, Ekiti, Anambra, Kogi, Abia, Ebonyi, Osun, Taraba, Imo, Kano, Yobe and Rivers) collectively passed 59 bills and 40 motions. The Federal Assembly and State Houses of Assembly all sponsor, consider, and debate bills, ensuring a critical balance between enforcement and civil rights protection.
The National Assembly also exercises oversight over the executive arm of government, ensuring it performs its duties within the bounds of the constitution. This includes authorising budget appropriations and scrutinising executive functions. However, the effectiveness of Nigeria’s legislature in fulfilling these responsibilities is questionable. An examination of the Nigerian national budget over the years reveals substantial deficits, largely funded through borrowing, thereby contributing to the country’s growing public debt.
In 2020, the budget deficit stood at ₦2.18 trillion, growing to ₦5.60 trillion in 2021, then ₦6.26 trillion in 2022, ₦11.34 trillion in 2023, ₦9.18 trillion in 2024, and ₦13.08 trillion in 2025. The deficit peaked at ₦31.45 trillion in 2026, nearly the same as the projected revenue of ₦36.87 trillion. This raises questions about the scrutiny of budgetary allocations and the prioritisation of government expenditure. The Fiscal Responsibility Act of 2007 stipulates that Nigeria’s budget deficit should not exceed 3% of gross domestic product (GDP); however, the extent to which these successive budgets have complied with this limit requires close examination. The NASS should scrutinise the budget proposals, assess expenditure priorities, and ensure that fiscal decisions align with Nigeria’s development needs, and that the deficit remains below 3%. The continuous widening of budget deficits reveals legislative gaps in the efficiency of this responsibility.
Beyond lapses in fiscal oversight, the controversy surrounding the alleged fake federal government agency provides another example of the legislative gap in institutional oversight. In October 2025, Prince Adeniyi Adeyemi Matthew was reportedly arrested in his office at the Federal Secretariat over the alleged creation of a fake federal government agency named the Presidential Foreign Investment Promotion Council (PFIPC). This incident raises concerns about fraudulent activities within government institutions and the effectiveness of existing oversight mechanisms. The NASS is responsible for enacting legislation to establish federal government agencies, with such laws defining their functions, governance structures, funding arrangements, appointment processes, and obligations. Yet, PFIPC reportedly operated from an official office at the Federal Secretariat, opened 34 bank accounts—including 9 in the names of other fake agencies and 1 with the Central Bank of Nigeria—and received a ₦1.3 billion allocation in the 2026 national budget. These developments raise concerns about how the agency was able to operate and secure a budget allocation without the relevant authorities identifying and addressing the irregularities. They also raise questions about the effectiveness of legislative scrutiny and coordination among public institutions. More concerning is the failure of the senate to pass a motion to independently investigate the agency following its discovery, further raising questions about parliamentary transparency and accountability.
The National Assembly also has the responsibility to hold public institutions accountable for protecting citizens’ rights. The safety of Nigerians remains a critical concern, given reported cases of extrajudicial killings by law enforcement agencies and other human rights violations.
In 2020, the EndSARS protests against the Special Anti-Robbery Squad (SARS) led to at least 103 deaths, severe injuries, and arrests, while individuals and organisations that financially supported the movement paid for it with frozen bank accounts. In 2021, a 21-year-old job seeker was shot dead by a stray bullet in Owode, Osun State, by a Department of State Services (DSS) agent. On Christmas Day 2022, a police officer killed a pregnant lawyer under Ajah Bridge in Lagos for no identifiable reason. In 2023, a driver delivering a car from Lagos to Abuja was stopped by unknown soldiers, taken to Iyana-Ipaja, and killed, again for no identifiable reason. Between 2020 and 2023, Nigeria has recorded more than 800 extrajudicial killings, pointing to a troubling pattern of human rights violations and inadequate accountability for abuses by law enforcement agents. In many cases, justice is not served for these individuals and their families, with investigations and prosecutions failing to deliver accountability, leaving public law enforcement agencies to continue to harass and overextend their legal abilities without consequence. In September 2026, 37 suspected illegal miners died while in the custody of the Nigerian Security and Civil Defence Corps (NSCDC), raising further concerns about the protection of detainees and accountability and compassion for Nigerian lives within public institutions.
The NASS has constitutional powers to oversee public institutions, investigate matters within its remit, and scrutinise compliance with applicable laws and regulations. It should regularly demand relevant information on the activities of public law enforcement agencies, examine reports of abuses, and ensure that appropriate accountability mechanisms are in place. Given the number of reported cases of extrajudicial killings and lack of accountability from defaulting law enforcement agencies, the effectiveness of the NASS’s oversight in protecting Nigerians remains questionable. These concerns extend beyond Nigeria’s borders to the treatment of Nigerian citizens abroad. Xenophobic attacks against Nigerians in South Africa have resulted in deaths, displacement, and the loss of businesses and livelihoods over the years.
It took 30 years of recurring attacks, hundreds of deaths, and the evacuation of 1500 Nigerians from South Africa for the NASS to respond to the situation. The assembly recently suspended legislative engagements and official visits involving South Africa in response to the inhumane treatment of Nigerians in the country. While this boycott is a step in the right direction, it took too long to be established, raising concerns about the responsiveness of the legislature to threats against Nigerians abroad. The Nigerian government has a responsibility to protect its citizens beyond its borders through diplomatic engagement, support, and international cooperation. The NASS, in turn, should support these efforts through appropriate legislation and oversight to ensure Nigerians abroad are protected.
How Parliamentary Hopefuls Should Be Evaluated vs. How Many Are Evaluated
In preparation for the 2027 polls, every eligible voter must critically examine parliamentary candidates. Evidently, the NASS and State Houses of Assembly bear immense responsibilities for the country in legislation, oversight, and protection of human rights. Members of parliament should be evaluated based on the number of bills they sponsor or co-sponsor, their role in originating or leading important legislative debates, their role in enforcing oversight activities, their commitment to prioritising the social welfare of Nigerians at home and abroad, and their responsiveness to issues in their constituencies. Unfortunately, many members of parliament are instead evaluated and voted for based on ethnic, political, and religious affiliations, the number of paltry constituency projects delivered, and real or perceived endorsement by respected opinion leaders, as if this should be the yardstick for measuring the effectiveness of the parliament. As seen in the data above, these biased criteria in selecting members of parliament could have serious consequences for the country and various states, including poor oversight in public funds management, poorly constructed legislation, human rights infringements, loss of life, and the overall abandonment of constitutional responsibilities.
In light of this, parliamentary candidates must also be evaluated and voted for based on the correct criteria. Nigerians should prioritise effective and credible governance over shallow decisions. As the saying goes, knowledge is power and information is liberating; every electorate must equip themselves with the knowledge to vote wisely in the coming elections, prioritising competence over bias. Citizens must learn to understand their candidate’s overall views of the polity, key laws and policies they promise to pursue that are especially important to the electorate. These include important gaps in the existing laws, from inheritance to family laws, and land reform laws to human rights infringements by security forces. It is the job of parliament to make these laws and ensure that they are obeyed. These should be the yardstick for voting new members, or re-electing incumbents.
What Should Nigerians Look For in 2027 As They Vote?
Nigeria is at a critical crossroads. The decisions made at the 2027 polls are what will influence the trajectory of Nigerian lives and the national economy for the next four years—it must not be treated lightly. The Parliament will represent every constituency in key decision-making, from scrutinising executive budgeting and spending to monitoring public institutions as it regards national security, and ensuring the safety of Nigerians outside the country. At the state level, Houses of Assembly must monitor, evaluate, and oversee state spending, and ensure compliance with constitutional provisions, while prioritising safety within the state. These are the things to intentionally look out for when selecting your parliament members in 2027. Ask questions, investigate, and determine the best candidates to represent your constituency, because Nigeria’s future lies in their hands. Instead of attending campaigns, insist on town halls where incumbents and new contestants meet their voters, listen to their concerns, answer questions, and present their vision for their respective constituencies.
Conclusion
After 66 years of independent governance, Nigeria’s parliament is still struggling to fulfil its legal duties. Nigeria is drowning in public debt, and budget deficits are widening annually. Fake agencies are easily able to obtain official CBN accounts and billions in the national budget allocation. Thousands of Nigerian citizens die annually due to internal extrajudicial killings and xenophobic attacks. Nigeria is currently facing the extremely harsh repercussions of voting for members of parliament with the wrong criteria. In 2027, every voter must be equipped with adequate knowledge to critically screen each candidate and judge for themselves, based on competence, efficiency, and credibility, the best person to represent each constituency.
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